Panther and Matchwood, is a former senior field intelligence operative of the "Splinter Cell" program for Third Echelon, an ultra-secret sub-branch within the National Security Agency NSA that anticipated and responded to crises of information warfare "a war that is hidden from the media and the ordinary man on the street".
It was researched and written by Dr. An expert on human rights in Indonesia and East Timor, Dr.
He conducted research for this report in Dili between August and October The first part Chapters 1 and 2 places the events of in historical and political context, and outlines the essential elements of Indonesian strategy in East Timor in The second Chapters examines and analyzes the main patterns of human rights violations in East Timor in The third Chapters spells out the nature of the relationship between the armed militia groups and the Indonesian authorities.
The final part Chapters 11 and 12 addresses questions of responsibility and judicial remedy for the crimes committed in Long a colony of Portugal, East Timor was invaded by neighboring Indonesia in and subsequently annexed.
Though some states recognized Indonesian sovereignty, the United Nations never did so. As far as the UN was concerned, Portugal retained its formal status as administering authority.
Inside East Timor, resistance, both armed and peaceful, continued through the period of the Indonesian rule Indonesian rule in East Timor was marked by a pattern of serious and systematic human rights violations by the Indonesian armed forces and by pro-Indonesian militias and paramilitary groups serving as their proxies.
That initiative paved the way for a set of accords between Indonesia, Portugal, and the UN, known as the May 5 Agreements. The Agreements spelled out the modalities through which the people of the territory would vote and security be maintained, and stipulated that the ballot would be organized and carried out by the United Nations.
Chapter 2 — Indonesia: Power and Strategy Notwithstanding the dramatic changes that had taken place inthe official Indonesian response to the prospect of a vote in East Timor was shaped by attitudes, and structures of political and military power, that had become deeply entrenched over at least three decades.
Those attitudes and structures of power formed the backdrop to, and facilitated, the systematic violations of human rights in The unique power of the TNI, and certain aspects of its doctrine, structure and standard operating procedures, go a long way to explaining the pattern of human rights violations in It also relied upon a range of other institutions, including the Indonesian police and the civilian government apparatus.
Subordinate to the TNI, and therefore unable or unwilling to challenge its strategy, the police contributed to the violence primarily by failing to take effective measures to stop it.
Human Rights in A fair answer to that question requires a careful description of the violence, and an analysis of the underlying patterns and variations in that violence. This chapter is the first of three that undertake that task. It describes and analyzes the most basic patterns of the violence inasking the following questions: What kinds of violations were committed?
When did they happen? Who were the victims? And who were the perpetrators? The answers point to one central conclusion: As a matter of international law, then, those acts constituted not only grave violations of human rights but also crimes against humanity.
The principal crimes committed in East Timor in included extra-judicial killing, torture and ill-treatment, sexual violence, forcible transfer of population, and destruction of property.
These acts infringed a wide range of fundamental human rights recognized in international law, including the right to life, the right to personal security, the right to physical integrity, freedom of thought, freedom of association, and the right to own or hold property. The victims of human rights violations in were overwhelmingly real or alleged supporters of independence, and their close relatives.
Important sub-categories of pro-independence victims included CNRT leaders, local authorities, alleged traitors, villagers in pro-independence base areas, members of the Catholic clergy, students and young people, locally employed UNAMET staff, women and girls, and small children.
A very small number of the victims of violence were members of pro-Indonesian groups. It was notable, however, that international staff and observers were very seldom the target of lethal violence, and only two foreigners were killed during the year.
That pattern appeared to be part of a deliberate strategy on the part of Indonesian authorities, rather than simply a matter of good fortune.
The direct perpetrators of human rights violations in were predominantly militiamen, but TNI soldiers and officers were almost always involved, either directly or indirectly. Members of the Indonesian police were somewhat less frequently identified as direct perpetrators, but they were almost always described as having taken no action to prevent, stop, or investigate serious violations of human rights.
Chapter 4 — Patterns and Variations A closer examination of the violence in reveals further patterns and variations in its character and distribution. These patterns provide some of the strongest evidence available that the violence in was not spontaneous, but was systematic and coordinated by Indonesian authorities.
That conclusion is based on four specific findings.This time, it was Indonesia a recently constructed American Embassy – a temporary military base in East Timor, was struck by a devastating terrorist attack carried out by the Darah Dan Doa (blood and prayer), headed by guerrilla Suhadi Sadono who was unofficially supported by corrupt Jakarta government factions.
Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Santo Domingo | Dominican Republic. The African Union | Economy of Africa. Feb 28, · Much of the infrastructure of the city and the surrounding area was damaged or destroyed, by invasion of indonesian military during the violence that followed the referendum for independence in Nevertheless, in the old part of Baucau there survive a few relics from the Portuguese, such as large houses, churches, and public buildings.
United States: San Diego. Germany: Berlin. Brazil: Curitiba.